By Dr. Mohammad Altaf Hossain: The incident of massive revolt in July-August 2024 proved to be one of the most pivotal moments in the political trajectory of Bangladesh. A movement by students that protested the government job quota system slowly developed into a student-led nationwide movement that brought together students, young people, and professionals, as well as opposition political parties and various segments of society. The movement eventually led to the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on 5 August 2024. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) reported that the first protest was peaceful and that there was extensive violence and gross human rights abuses that occurred during the protests.

In this historic restructuring of the political system, the BNP has given birth to a new power, Tarique Rahman, the party's acting chairman. But his job should be taken with care. He was not the founder of the student movement and was not in Bangladesh during the student movement. His leadership was primarily through political communication, organizational mobilization, strategic framing, and shaping the political transition.

The first demand of the movement was to reform the government recruitment quota system. The protests grew after the deaths, arrests and excessive use of force that occurred during the month of July. As the crisis continued, the debate on quotas expanded into the larger issues of democratic rights, political accountability and the future trajectory of the state.

This change brought in a new political landscape for opposition parties. The BNP had always been an opposition force, but the student movement was not affiliated with any political parties at first. The protests grew, and BNP activists, and others in opposition, grew more fully involved in the broader political struggle.

This separation is crucial. The uprising of July-August is not a simple affair of any one political party or leader. The students were the main actors, and their network organizations were the main source of continuity of the movement. In that context, Tarique Rahman's contribution should be considered as opposition leader trying to link his opposition's political activities with a growing popular movement.

Rahman's unique style of leadership was his ability to communicate through political channels outside of Bangladesh. The internet restrictions, arrests and political tensions made it challenging to do politics the old-fashioned way, so public statements and digital communication became a vital means of opposition politics. Rahman said he welcomed the protesters' action and slammed the government's reaction. His remarks began to link immediate concerns of demonstrators to larger topics like democracy, political rights, human rights and accountable government. This communication proved the leadership of BNP's engagement with this crisis, gave political guidance to the party activists and tried to explain the movement in the wider democratic framework.

Political communication is not synonymous to operational control, however. Student leadership and a localised approach continued to be strong elements of the movement. Rahman's remarks were thus not a reflection of his own control of all aspects of the uprising, but of a broader political contestation.

The second was organizational mobilization. The BNP possessed an extensive political organization throughout Bangladesh. The expansion of the movement saw the opposition activists increasingly take part in demonstrations and clashes with the government. As the Acting Chairman, Rahman could disseminate messages of strategies to party activists and supporters. His political appeals helped to bring the BNP's organizational network into the wider movement. This was in the sense that he led a political transformation of the resources of an established opposition organization to political participation, in a national crisis.

In terms of the political process theory, the established bodies have a chance to reinforce mass movements through networks, resources and communication. The BNP's organizational power thus gave another boost to the growing movement. Not all of the BNP activists were members of the BNP, however, and the presence of activists did not imply that the movement was controlled by the BNP. Student leadership continued to have its own political identity and organizational structures. This distinction is significant in the understanding of the complicated nature of the uprising.

Probably its biggest difference was in political terms, how Rahman framed the crisis. As the movement evolved, the issue of quota reform tied into other matters relating to democracy, elections and political accountability and citizens' rights. This broader interpretation is reflected in the words of Rahman in his public speeches. The government's reaction was part of a broader political crisis and he highlighted the importance of democratic change. In this framing he wanted to tie the protesters' demands into the broader political debates of the BNP.

His assertion after Sheikh Hasina's resignation on 5 August was significant. He applauded the students and the people, demanded the release of the people he felt were wrongfully jailed, demanded restraint and stressed democratic government and elections. This is an example of a shift in his political leadership. Prior to 5 August, the salient opposition was against the prevailing government. From 5 August onward the question was how to form the post-Rutherford political landscape. His focus on elections and representative government is a sign of his efforts to fit the BNP into the new political system.

This was a politically volatile time just after 5th August. The government that collapsed left many people unsure, with some disruption to institutions, and worries about the possibility of further violence. The challenge for leaders was to mobilize support and put a spotlight on the dangers of revenge and disorder. Rahman's post-resignation message advocated for peaceful jubilation and against resorting to the law of the land. It was important for these appeals because the country was in a political fever, and emotions were running high.

The overall picture was however complicated. During various phases of the unrest, the OHCHR recorded cases of killings, excessive use of force, attacks and reprisals. Rahman's appeal for restraint should, therefore, be seen as part of a far broader campaign to deal with a very volatile political landscape.

There were some restrictions on Rahman's leadership. He was not in Bangladesh so he was unable to have a first-hand reaction to the events that were actually taking place there. Furthermore, this mass uprising was facilitated by young people -led initiatives and independent networks of the young people, not by traditional political parties. Rahman had to be very astute to hold all these people together, having everyone with different goals. His job was to play the opposition leader role and not only remain in touch with, but also provide assistance to the larger mass movement.

Tarique Rahman's involvement in the uprising of July-August 2024 is mainly through four lenses: politics of communication, politics of organization, politics of strategic framing, and politics of transition-oriented leadership.

He voiced support for the protesters and condemned the government's response, using political communication. He mobilized the BNP activists in the wider movement through organizational mobilization. He managed to insert the crisis into the larger debate about democracy and political rights through strategic framing. Following the government's collapse, he tried to shape the political transition through the use of the term elections, representative government and restraint. But these contributions need to be placed in the context of the larger story of the uprising. The movement did not originate with the BNP nor was it only a movement led by Tarique Rahman. It started with the students' energy but was followed by the involvement of more and more sections of society.

What is significant in the historical context, then, is not that Rahman was the sole leader, but that he was able to respond politically to a fast evolving national crisis. His job represents an early example of how a venerated opposition group tried to get itself in sync with a mass movement that had formed separately from the political parties. The uprising in July – August showed the potential of collective political action in Bangladesh and the evolving role of student movements, digital communication, opposition politics and mass mobilization. Tarique Rahman's job is a crucial component of this complicated procedure.

Analysis of his statements, organizational directives, communication strategies and political positioning should include a balanced consideration of the statements made by independent student leaders and other participants. This revolution cannot be viewed as a single individual or organisation, but as a wide-ranging political shift brought about by a number of actors.

In short, Tarique Rahman's leadership in July-August 2024 during the mass uprising can be described as the leadership of opposition which is based on communication, public mobilization improvement, political narratives building and dissemination of messages to create change of state power. The extent of its historical significance will be determined by the interaction of his political instructions, the organizational efforts of the BNP, leadership of students and by wider public involvement.

E-mail:  hossainmdaltaf77@gmail.com